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EUGENE C: BARKER 

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The Organization 
of the Texas 
Revolution 



Reprint from Publications of 

Southern History Association 

November, 1901 



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By Eugene C. Barker. 

As ethnic ties are stronger than political boundaries, it 
is probable that when Stephen F. Austin settled his first 
family of Anglo-Americans on the banks of the Brazos, 
Fate issued her fiat that in the end Texas must belong to 
the United States ; but there can be little question that, 
save for the rash and impatient policy of Santa Anna, the 
breach with Mexico might have been indefinitely delayed. 
For though it is doubtless true that some of those who 

^The published works used in the preparation of this paper 
are: A History of Texas, by D. B. Edward, Cincinnati, 1836; A 
History of Texas, by John Henry Brown, St. Louis; Texas, by 
WilHam Kennedy, London, 1841; North Mexican States and 
Texas, by H. H. Bancroft, San Francisco, 1889; and A Compre- 
hensive History of Texas, edited by Dudley G. Wooten, Dallas, 
1898. The last is a reprint of Yoakum's History of Texas, with 
the addition of numerous monographs. For the sake of con- 
venience, references, except to the last, are made by the name 
of the author rather than by the title of the book. 

The documents, from which this paper is mainly written, are 
to be found in: The Austin Papers, deposited temporarily in the 
State Library; the Nacogdoches Archives, in the vaults of the 
State Library: and the Bexar Archives, in the University of 
Texas. The newspapers referred to belong exclusively to the 
Austin collection. 



took advantage of Mexico's liberal colonization offers did 
so with the intention of seizing the first opportunity for 
separation, yet it cannot be denied that the bulk of the 
settlers, especially in Austin's territory, were animated 
by a sincere desire to establish their loyalty to the Mexi- 
can government. But the turn given to Mexican affairs 
by Santa Anna between 1833 ^"*^ 1835 clashed too rudely 
with Texan hereditary democracy. An independence or 
war party arose — small, but clamorous — fiercely opposed 
by the peace party; and then, loyalty becoming gradually 
silent, was finally forced into active, organized opposition, 
and the revolution began. 

But although the majority of the Texans were to the 
last honorably faithful to Mexico, there had been as early 
as 1832 widespread discontent with the enforced legislative 
and administrative union between Texas and Coahuila ; 
and at the convention held at San Felipe in October of 
that year a committee, of which Stephen F. Austin was a 
member, prepared a memorial praying the national con- 
gress for their separation, and the elevation of Texas into 
a state of the Republic. The petitions prepared by this 
body were never presented to the authorities ; but a second 
convention having been called in April, 1833, the work of 
the first was practically duplicated and enlarged, and Aus- 
tin was sent to Mexico to lay the memorial before con- 
gress. The neglect of these proposals, the imprisonment 
of Austin, the disturbed condition of national politics, the 
disorderly struggle between the rival legislatures of Sal- 
tillo and Monclova, and the fear that Texas would be or- 
ganized as a territory, encouraged the more radical separ- 
atists in October, 1834, to propose through their head and 
mouthpiece, the Political Chief of the Brazos, Henry 
Smith, that Texas should consider her connection with 
Coahuila de facto dissolved and should proceed to organize 
herself into a Mexican State under the constitution of 



Gift 
American Historical Review 



fBB 2 



6 1925 



1824.^ But the "Grand Central Committee'" doubtless 
voiced the popular mind in its protest- against the uncon- 
stitutionality of such a course ; for the Texans still felt a 
good deal of confidence in the republican character of 
Santa Anna, and Austin's letters were all reassuring. At 
any rate, the matter was quietly dropped. 

Political Conditions. 

By the spring of 1835, however, Santa Anna had 
gathered the reins of government firmly in his own hands, 
and to secure himself from opposition, a decree was passed 
through his pliant congress ordering a reduction of the 
militia to one soldier for every five hundred inhabitants, 
the others to be disarmed. The legislature of Coahuila 
and Texas protested, and was disbanded — avowedly for 
the fraudulent sale of Texas public land, but really for the 
purpose of replacing it with representatives favorable to 
centralism. Governor Viesca was deposed, and the admin- 
istration of the state fell, after a short interval, into the 
hands of the military commandant, General Cos. 

All this was naturally somewhat disconcerting, but there 
seems to have been little downright hostility aroused by 
the action. There was still a hope that the general govern- 
ment would grant the Texans their desires ; while all sym- 
pathy with Coahuila had disappeared in the intense long- 
ing of Texas for separate statehood. An attempt was 
made, indeed, to make capital out of Governor Viesca's 
inaugural address^, and his appeal to each of the three 
departments of Texas to aid him with one hundred armed 
men in sustaining the civil authority against the military: 
the translator of the address, under the name of CoaJiuil- 
texmms, making a few gratuitous remarks of his own, by 
way of assuring the people that it was the aim of Mexico 

^ Edward, 222-24. 
' Edward, 225-31. 
' Texas Republican. May 9. 1835. — Austin Papers. 



to separate them from Coahuila, organise Texas as a ter- 
ritory, and then, by repeated insults, to force them into a 
struggle in which they should either be exterminated or 
driven from the state, advised them to cling to Coahuila 
and resist any attempt at separation.* But both the ad- 
dress and the translator's appeal fell flat. The Political 
Chief of the Brazos coldly informed the governor that the 
late land deal had smothered any enthusiasm that the peo- 
ple might have had for a states' right conflict^ ; and Henry 
Austin printed an article cautioning the people against the 
inflammatory sentiments of Coahuiltexanus, and quoted 
extracts from Stephen F. Austin's latest letter from Mex- 
ico to show that the disposition of the general government 
was favorable to Texas.® And though the views prompt- 
ing Henry Austin's advice could well have been influenced 
by personal interest^, it is quite certain that many believed 
as he did. 

For there were now three parties in Texas : The first, 
composed of men who believed like Austin in the good 
faith of Mexico, was preeminently a peace party; the sec- 
ond, composed of those who had gradually assumed the 
attitude of indififerent spectators, determined to take no 
active part in the family quarrels of Mexico, but standing 
on the defensive, was a conservative party ; and the third, 
made up of those who believed that Texas could no longer 
hope for anything save injustice and oppression from the 
Mexican government, was the independence or war party. 
The first was comparatively small ; the third was of about 
the same size, but much more active ; while the second 
contained the majority of the inhabitants. The feeling be- 
tween the two extreme parties was very bitter, and it was 
rather fortunate than otherwise that the Indians, threat- 

* Texas Republican, May 9, 1835. 
° Texas Republican, May 9. 1835. 
'Texas Republican, May 9, 1835. 

'' Henry Austin to J. F. Perry, May 5, 1835. — ^Austin Papers, in 
the collection of Hon. Guy M. Bryan, Austin, Texas. 



ening a renewal of their depredations along the frontiers, 
drew them closer together and forced the conservatives 
into action with them. 

Danger from this source could be understood by all, 
and gave no chance for division of opinion. Protective 
measures had to be adopted immediately ; and no assist- 
ance could be expected from the government, even had it 
been desired, Santa Anna being engaged at that time in 
the reduction of Zacatecas. The colonists were dependent 
upon themselves alone. 

Organizing for Resistance. 

And so, Mina, situated on the frontier where the danger 
was most pressing, took the iirst step toward securing or- 
ganized resistance by appointing on May 8, 1835, a com- 
mittee of Safety and C®rrespondence for the general dif- 
fusion of information.* This committee was increased at 
a meeting held on May 17^ by the addition of Edward 
Burleson and Samuel Wolfenbarger. And on the same 
day the citizens of Gonzales and Viesca, two other exposed 
settlements, held meetings and appointed committees of 
safety and correspondence.^" It is probable that the two 
latter places had heard of Mina's action of the 8th, and the 
coincidence that they should both hold meetings on the 
same day that Mina had her second meeting will not seem 
strange when one knows that May 17 fell on Sunday and 
remembers that Sunday was Mexico's official day for pub- 
lic business. The observation should be made here, too, 
that in the beginning the object of these committees was 
solely to facilitate concerted movement against the In- 
dians, and this they accomplished; but a more valuable 
though incidental service performed by them was the re- 
storation to some extent of the mutual confidence of the 

* Brown, I, 290. 

^ Brown, I, 290. Burnet, in "A Compendium of Texas History," 
Texas Almanac, 1859, 113, gives May 15 for this date. 
"" Brown, I, 290. 



people. For while the bitterness between the war party 
and the peace party was still great, there doubtless grew 
up in each a respect for the other and the feeling that all 
could be depended on to defend their country where the 
danger was clearly perceived. 

Though there is no available record of their organiza- 
tion, it is evident that committees of safety and correspond- 
ence spread rapidly, and that by the latter part of June 
they existed in many of the interior towns and settlements. 
The natural explanation of their popularity is found in the 
fact that they were more or less familiar machinery to the 
colonists : the convention of 1832 had created a central 
committee and an elaborate system of sub-committees", 
and it was through these that the convention of 1833 was 
called^^. They were continued by this second assembly, 
and though the sub-committees seem to have soon disap- 
peared, the central committee continued in existence until 
November 3, 1835, when it was superseded by a quorum of 
the consultation. 

Friction over Customs. 

In the meantime, although so busily engaged at home, 
Santa Anna was not unmindful of the value of holding on 
to Texas, and, besides his diplomatic dalliance with Austin, 
he dispatched a small company of soldiers in January, 
1835,^^ to take charge of the custom houses at Anahuac 
and Galveston — doubtless with a view rather to keeping 
alive the idea of general Mexican control than to the im- 
portance of the revenue to be obtained. And in one sense 
his scheme was successful: the majority of the people 
acknowledged the legality of the measure and determined 

" Proceedings of the General Convention, 22-23; Gammel's 
Laws of Texas, I, 496-97. 

" Brown, I, 231. 

" Captain Tenorio to the Commandant of Coahuila and Texas, 
January 31, 1835. — Bexar Archives. Edward (235) says this was 
done in the fall of 1834. 



to protect and assist the collectors in the discharge of their 
duties; but in another sense this was the step out of which 
the rupture with Mexico immediately developed, for the 
citizens of Anahuac seem to have imagined that theirs was 
the only port at which duties were collected — though there 
was certainly a customs officer at Matagorda,^'* and prob- 
ably one at Velasco, — and the belief that they were suffer- 
ing a hardship from which the rest of Texas was free, 
aroused in them a feeling of injustice and injury which was 
eagerly nursed by the war party. 

There had in fact been no attempt to collect customs at 
Anahuac since the expulsion of Bradburn in 1832, and the 
path of the new collector was from the beginning an un- 
pleasant one, strewn with some real difficulties and n^any 
petty annoyances. Within less than three months of the 
establishment of the custom house, on April 17, 1835, the 
Ayuntamiento of Liberty found it necessary to issue a 
manifesto, urging the people to strict obedience to the 
revenue laws until they could be reformed in a constitu- 
tional manner, and declaring their intention to sustain the 
collectors. ^^ This was probably encouraging to the offi- 
cers, but any hopes built thereon must have crumbled to 
earth when the citizens of Anahuac met, on May 4, and re- 
solved, "That the proceedings of the individuals claiming 
to be Custom House officers at this place have neither been 

" Ugartechea to Cos, July 25, 1835. — Bexar Archives. 

" Texas Republican, May 30, 1835. Edward (235-238) prints this 
document under the date of' June i, and all succeeding historians 
have followed him. Yoakum (A Comprehensive History of Texas, 
168) slips into a strange anachronism by declaring that the pro-_ 
clamation was issued in denunciation of the party that expelled 
Tenorio from xALuahuac. though the uniformly accepted date of 
that act is June 30 — and refers to Edward (235) as his authority. 
Bancroft understood that this proclamation was not issued against 
Travis, but says later (North Mexican States and Texas, II, 156) 
that the Ayuntamiento of Liberty did condemn him, and carelessly 
following Yoakvim in his reference, cites for confirmation Edward, 
235-38, where this document is printed. 



8 



reasonable, just, or regularly legal ;"^® and followed this 
declaration by a memorial to the governor of Coahuila and 
Texas setting forth the unjust incidence of the tariff, and 
asking him to use his influence with the general govern- 
ment to secure speedy relief. Another resolution passed at 
the same time characteristically declared that until this ob- 
ject was accomplished "no duties should be collected in 
this port, unless the collection is also enforced equally 
throughout the province, nor until then will we pay any 
duties upon importations into this port." 

As a matter of fact, however, neither memorial nor 
resolutions ever reached their destination, for the chair- 
man. General William Hardin, having departed for the 
United States before affixing his official signature to the 
proceedings, they seem to have been considered invalidat- 
ed." But reports of the independent attitude of the dis- 
trict having reached General Cos at Matamoras, he wrote, 
on May 26, to inform the commander of the garrison at 
Anahuac that the battalion of Morelos would be embarked 
immediately for Copano, whence they might be distributed 
through Texas wherever needed, and that he had urged the 
general government to send additional re-enforcements im- 
mediately. In closing he said : "You will operate in every 
case with extreme prudence, but if by any fatality the pub- 
lic order should be overturned, you are to proceed without 
any contemplation against whomsoever may occasion it, 
without permitting for any cause the national arms and 
decorum to be tarnished. "^^ This note was not dispatched 
until the middle of June, and the express who carried it 
bore also a letter to the Political Chief of the Brazos, 
which, after recounting and deploring the necessities that 

" Texas Republican, August 8, 1835. 

" Texas Republican, August 8, 1835. It is interesting to note 
that I. N. Moreland, the Secretary of the Ayuntamiento of Liberty 
which had so loyally exhorted "all good citizens" some three 
weeks before to support the revenue collectors, was also secretary 
of this meeting. 

" Texas Republican, July 4, 1835. 



had demanded Governor Viesca's deposition and imprison- 
ment, appointed him to "take special care of the adminis- 
tration and interior order of the Department" under his 
charge, until the general government should appoint new 
authorities.^^ Neither of these papers indicates any desire 
to oppress the Texans unduly, and it is quite possible that 
Cos had no other intention than the preservation of order 
by the enforcement of the law. 

The friends of the Anahuac commandant, Don Antonio 
Tenorio, seized the opportunity, however, to send him con- 
gratulatory missives upon his approaching deliverance, and 
when the messenger arrived at Bexar on June 20 he was 
entrusted with another from Colonel Ugartechea, inform- 
ing Tenorio that the government had ordered the advance 
from Saltillo of the troops that had been used against 
Zacatecas, and expressing the belief that "these Revolu- 
tionists will be ground down." All of which would doubt- 
less have proved comforting to Senor Tenorio. But it was 
the courier's ill luck on reaching San Felipe, June 21, to 
fall in with a contingent of the war party ; and though he 
tried to save his dispatches by passing them quickly to a 
friendly American, he was detected,-'' and his captors were 
soon in posession not only of the letter to the Political 
Chief but also of the messages to Tenorio. 

Efforts of thf War Party. 

Now, the news of Viesca's deposition had arrived some 
time before and had thrown Texas into the greatest con- 
fusion. The war party proposed that the people should 
arm themselves and march to his assistance, or, if this were 
impracticable, that they should install as governor the "ex- 
vice governor," Ramon Musquiz, of Bexar. The peace 
party and conservatives, on the other hand, were opposed 

"Texas Republican, July 4, 1835. 

'" Gritten to Ugartechea, July 5, 1835. — Bexar Archives. 



lO 



to any interference whatever, and on account of the differ- 
ences of opinion the Pohtical Chief, J. B. Miller, had re- 
quested each municipality of his department to send five 
representatives to San Felipe on June 22 to consult with 
the central committee on the position that Texas should 
assume.-^ But in San Felipe the war party was the 
strongest — officially at any rate. The Political Chief be- 
longed to them,-^ while the Ayuntamiento endorsed the 
plan to install Musquiz and had undertaken to gain for it 
the support of the central committee."^ The war party, 
therefore, were jubilant, believing that the information 
contained in the captured dispatches would turn popular 
favor in their direction. Miller, indeed,"without waiting to 
learn the opinion of the meeting that he had called for the 
next day, issued an inflammatory address to the people, or- 
dering them to arm and march to San Felipe preparatory 
to an advance on Bexar. ^* 

In the general meeting, however, over which Robert M. 
Williamson presided on the next day^^ these hopes were 
blasted. Several of the municipalities represented were 
favorable to the San Antonio expedition, but the majority 
were inclined to vote against it. Disappointed and angry, 
therefore, but still determined, the war party managed to 
break up the meeting before any decisive action had been 
taken against the project ; and then, re-assembling later in 
the day, they held, according to Edward, a secret meeting 
of their own,-'' with the Political Chief in the chair.-'' 
Their most important measure was the authorization of 
W. B. Travis to collect a force and expel the garrison at 

" Edward, 238. 

" Texas Republican, August 8, 1835. 
"Edward, 238. 

" Texas Republican, June 27, 1835. 

" Williamson to the People of Texas (a circular), July 4, 1835. 
" Edward, 238. 

"Texas Republican, August 8, and September 26, 1835; Cos to 
Ayuntamiento of Columbia, August i, 1835. — Austin Papers. 



II 

Anahnac before the coming of the re-enforcements,-^ a 
commission that was the more cheerfully received by- 
Travis perhaps, because, as he said, he had already been 
invited there for the same purpose by some of his friends 
who were "the principal citizens" of the place, and who 
"were suffering under the despotic rule of the mihtary/'*^ 
He accordingly appeared before the fort with about thirty 
volunteers late in the afternoon of June 29, and Captain 
Tenorio having abandoned the fort as untenable retreated 
to the woods, where he held a council of war and decided 
that "in view of the difficulty and uselessness of making a 
defense, a capitulation should be made."^" This was done 
the next morning, and he and all his men, save twelve, 
were disarmed and taken to Harrisburg, whence they soon 
made their way to San Felipe and thence finally to San 
Antonio. This act was deprecated throughout Texas ex- 
cept by the extreme advocates of independence,^^ and its 
immediate effect was to draw the conservatives and the 
peace party closer together, while it cast the war party 
into considerable disfavor. A little tact on the part of 
Mexico at this time would have saved Texas ; but Cos 
could hardly be expected to have known this, and being 
already suspicious of the colonists, he heard that the Poli- 
tical Chief presided at the meeting which authorized the 
outrage and concluding — with sufficient reason, perhaps — 
that it was simply the expression of the popular will, de- 
termined to overwhelm the country. When he became in- 
formed of the true state of public feeling his dogged in- 
sistence — and he was but the agent of Santa Anna — on the 



"Texas Republican, September 26, 183S; Brown. I., 292; Travis 
to Henry Smith, July 6, 1835 (Quarterly of the Texas State His- 
torical Association, II., 24). 

'" Quarterly, II., 24. 

'"Tenorio to Ugartechea, July 7, 1835. — Bexar Archives. 

" J. H. C. Miller to T. J. Chambers, July 4, 1835.— Bexar Arch- 
ives; Kennedy, II., 92; A Comprehensive History of Texas, I., 
166; Texas Almanac, 1859, 112. 



12 



removal of the leaders of the war party to Mexico for trial 
finally forced all parties into opposition. 

Public Meeting at Columbia. 

In the meantime, on June 22, Miller's hasty proclama- 
tion of the 2 1st reached Columbia, and a town meeting 
was called for the next day. Upon its receipt, the local 
war party immediately held a caucus and prepared a set 
of resolutions of the same ione, which they presented to 
the meeting next morning with the suggestion that they 
be officially passed. Henry Austin proposed as an amend- 
ment that all action should be postponed until a meeting of 
the whole jurisdiction could be convened ; but this was 
obstinately refused, and the resolutions having been sub- 
mitted to a vote, were defeated. They then selected Sun- 
day, the 28th, for a general meeting, and appointing a 
committee to prepare a report for it, adjourned. ■'*- 

The people having duly met in accordance with this call, 
elected W. D. C. Hall chairman and Byrd B. Waller secre- 
tary; and, after reading a letter from the Political Chief 
and the papers captured from the imfortunate courier the 
w^eek before, appointed a committee of fifteen^" to draw up 
resolutions for the consideration of the meeting. In their 
report the committee advised "union, moderation, organ- 
ization, and a strict obedience to the laws and constitution 
of the land ;" protested against the "acts of any set of in- 
dividuals (less than a majority) calculated to involve the 
citizens of Texas in a conflict with the Federal Government 
of Mexico ;" and censured particularly the "proceedings 
of those persons at Anahuac who gave the collector of cus- 
toms, Don Jose Gonzalez, a series of resolutions declaring 
that they would not obey the revenue laws of Mexico." 
These persons they denounced as "foreigners," and de- 

^^ Henry Austin to J. F. Perry, June 24, 1835. — Austin Papers, J., 
3; Texas Republican, June 27, 1835. 

"Texas Republican, July 4, 1835. Brown (I., 293) in enumerat- 
ins; this committee omits the name of F. Bingham. 



13 

clared themselves the "faithful and loyal citizens of Mexico, 
disposed and desirous to discharge their duty as such;" 
and the}' resolved "that it is the duty of the citizens of 
Texas to unite in the support of the constitution and laws 
of their adopted land." And Texas being in such a state 
of anarchy, "without governor, vice-governor, or council," 
they proposed to "recognize the Political Chief as the 
highest executive officer." 

This committee is also responsible for the first sugges- 
tion of a general convention ; they proposed that the 
Political Chief "be requested to correspond with the 
other Chiefs of department in Texas, and request them 
to co-operate with him in electing three deputies from 

each jurisdiction to meet the Chiefs of 

departments in council, with full powers to form for 
Texas a Provisional Government, on the principles of the 
constitution, during the reign of anarchy in the state and 
that they meet as soon as circumstances will possibly per- 
mit." The Political Chief was also to be requested to in- 
form the Alexican government of "their peaceable and 
loyal disposition, and their great desire to remain attached 
to the Federal government ;" and to command the citizens 
of his department "to adhere strictly to the laws and con- 
stitution of the land."^* 

W. D. C. Hall, J. A. Wharton, W. H. Jack, J. G. Mc- 
Neel, and G. B. McKinstry were appointed to wait upon 
the Political Chief with the views of the meeting ; and this 
duty performed, they were to remain a permanent com- 
mittee of safety and correspondence. They communicated 
with Miller in writing, and advised him to send a commis- 
sion to Cos and Ugartechea assuring them of the peaceful 

^* Texas Republican, July 4, 1835. Brown (I., 293) asserts that a 
majority of the committee drafting these resolutions were in favor 
of independence, but that they sacrificed their real sentiments out 
of deference to the conservatives. An examination of their full 
report will, I think, convince one that their sacrifice, if such it 
were, was very complete. 



14 

inclinations of the Texans ; while at the same time the 
promptest steps should be taken to organize the militia. 
This, of course, was according to the instructions of the 
meeting, but they apparently went beyond the officially ex- 
pressed will of that body in recommending that persons be 
appointed to "obtain subscriptions and receive money for 
the purpose of purchasing arms and other munitions of 
war;" and in requesting him to inform Musquiz that the 
people of the Brazos department would rally round and 
support him, if he would undertake the administration of 
the state government. ^^ The Political Chief replied that 
he fully endorsed all their recommendations, save one — 
that communication be opened with Cos and Ugartechea; 
but that he would do that, too, if the majority of the people 
of his department desired it.^*^ Nevertheless, in a clipping 
of the Texas Republican, I have found a letter dated July 
2 — just the day before this — in which he informs Cos that 
the bearer of his dispatches to the Anahuac commandant 
"was by a few individuals examined and the communica- 
tions opened ;" but he encloses him a copy of the resolu- 
tions adopted by a large meeting in his department — very 
probably the Columbia meeting of June 28, — "which evince 
the feeling of a large majority of the people," and promis- 
ing to send in a few days a special commissioner v/ith full 
particulars, he closed with the assurance that he w'ould do 
all in his power "to preserve the public order and tran- 
quility." 

Desire for a Representative Convention. 

By this time, though the most of the people were still 
faithful to Mexico, there was a general feeling of appre- 
hensiveness, and the necessity for a convention was ap- 
preciated by all. On July 4, the committee of safety at 
Mina issued an address to the Ayuntamientos of the de- 

'" Texas Republican, July 18, 1835. 
" Texas Republican, July 18. 1835. 



15 

partment of Brazos deplorino- "the evils that might resuh 
from the schisms that had taken place ;" declaring that the 
mutual "confidence as well as the mutual respect between 
them and their fellow-citizens of the Mexican republic" had 
been destroyed by the "misconduct of a few designing 
men ;" and urging the immediate call of a consultation "at 
San Felipe, or some other central place. "^^ And curiously 
enough, on this same day the committee of safety at 
Gonzales was writing to the Mina committee, and while 
assuring it of their utmost confidence in the good will of 
Mexico, they considered it as "of vital importance that a 
Convention be immediately called," and were of the 
opinion that the place of its meeting "should be without 
the bounds of the San Felipe Junto. "^^ An editorial notice 
in the Texas Republican of the same date says, "we think 
every honorable means should be resorted to in order to 
avert the impending storm." 

Now, in addition to the pacific recommendations of the 
jurisdiction of Columbia on June 28, the Ayuntamiento of 
that town held a meeting on July 11 and resolved that "it 
is deemed expedient by this body to take prompt and 
efificient measures to open an immediate correspondence 
with the Mexican authorities, that they be informed of the 
true sentiments of a great majority of the people of this 
Department and as soon as practicable that of all Texas." 
And a committee consisting of John A. Wharton, James 
F. Perry, Josiah H. Bell, Sterling McNeal, and James 
Knight was selected to lay the views of the Ayuntamiento 
before the "chairman of a public meeting" to be held at 
San Felipe "on Tuesday the 14th." They were convinced 
that order could not be restored without a consultation of 
representatives from all Texas, and the committee was in- 
structed to insist that this be brought about with the 
"utmost expedition." In their letter to the chairman of 

"Texas Republican, July 18, 1835. 
" Texas Republican, July 18, 1835. 



i6 

this meeting the Aynntaniiento professed themselves and 
the citizens of their jurisdiction to be "true, faithful, loyal, 
and unoffending Mexican citizens ;" they did not break the 
laws and constitution themselves, and would not counten- 
ance others in doing so.^^ 

At about the same time — July 12 — Cos, who had not yet 
heard of the expulsion of Tenorio, issued a general circular 
to the three departments of Texas in which he warned the 
people against being led into hasty action against the gov- 
ernment by the falsehoods of "turbulent foreigners." He 
reminded them of the liberal concessions that had been 
made to Texas, and explained that, if the government in- 
troduced more troops into Texas, it would simply be for 
the purpose of establishing the custom houses.*** 

The San Felipe meeting of July 14 passed resolutions 
entirely consistent wath those already adopted by the 
Columbia meeting on June 28 and the Columbia Ayunta- 
miento on July 11. They "disapprobated all hostile pro- 
ceedings that may have been made for offensive operations 
against the government," avow^ed an earnest desire for 
peace, and recommended a quiet submission to the "con- 
stitution, law'S, and proper authorities of the country." 
They agreed in the necessity for a consultation, and ap- 
pointed J. R. Jones, J. W. McKinney, and A. Somervill a 
committee to confer with the delegates from Columbia, "& 
all other committees, with full power to call a meeting 
of all the citizens of Texas. "*^ This joint committee met 
the next day, and thinking it advisable to wait for the ar- 
rival of other delegates before any decisive step was taken 
toward the calling of a convention, they issued a circular, 
saying that they believed there was "no just cause to ex- 
pect an invasion of Texas from the Federal forces ;" and 

'"Texas Republican, July 18, 1835. 

" Texas Republican, August 22, 1835. 

*^ Texas Republican, July 18, 1835. Brown (I., 295-96) prints a 
set of proceedings for this meeting, which, while agreeing to some 
extent with these, are evidently drawn from an entirely different 
source. 



17 

chat when they were joined in a few clays by other commit- 
tees they would make a full exposition of aflfairs.*- 

In the meantime wdiile these two delegations were await- 
ing the arrival of others, the Political Chief, J. B. Miller, 
was adding his efforts to theirs to reassure both the 
Texans and the Mexicans. He circulated a proclamation 
"commanding and exhorting all good citizens to re- 
main strictly obedient to the constitution and laws, 

and to engage in no popular excitement. "^^ And then 
feeling, doubtless, that his advice was inconsistent with his 
proclamation of June 21, and with some of his later im- 
prudent actions, he frankly admitted that he had then too 
hastily yielded to the influence of his friends.** The fol- 
lowing extracts from his letter to Colonel Ugartechea, on 
July 16, will show that the ^Mexicans did not enjoy a 
monopoly in the use of diplomatic flattery : He says, "I 
have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your com- 
munication under date of the 7th of July, which I received 
with great pleasure. I have caused it to be printed and 

published throughout my department I am 

happy to inform you that this department is perfectly tran- 
quil, and I pledge myself that it shall remain so. Your 
esteemed communication has satisfied every person and 
has enabled me to tranquilize my department."*^ 

Miller finally wound up his contradictory career by re- 
signing, on July 19, in favor of Wily Martin, the Alcalde 
having, as he said, refused to serve as Political Chief.*'' 

"Texas Republican, July 18, 1835. 

" Newspaper Clipping. — Austin Papers. The proclamation is 
dated simply "J"ly. 1835," but must have been issued about the 
same time as his letter to Ugartechea, — ^July 16 

" Texas Republican, August 8, 1835. 

" Newspaper Clipping- — Austin Papers. 

^° Newspaper Clipping. — Austin Papers. An anonymous writer 
in the Texas Republican of September 26, 1835, fiercely denounced 
Miller's whole course, and this action in particular; claiming that 
the Alcalde had no constitutional right to refuse to serve, but that 
even then Martin, who was only fourth Regidor. could have suc- 
ceeded to the ofifice only after it had been refused by the first three 
Regidors. 
2 



On July 17, D. C. Barrett arrived at San Felipe to repre- 
sent Mina in the joint committee conference, and he, with 
the committees from Columbia and San Felipe, the mem- 
bers of the latter having been increased to five, entered 
into a four days' session.*' It will be remembered that the 
Columbia delegation had been instructed to urge the 
speedy call of a convention, and that the original San 
Felipe committee had been appointed for that purpose with 
full powers to act. When John A. Wharton moved the 
call of a convention, however, this motion was defeated, 
because it was thought that such an act would be regarded 
by the authorities as preliminary to a rebellion.*® They at- 
tempted to fulfill their promise of making an exposition of 
the affairs of Texas, but failed for want of facts ;*® and 
then united in dispatching to Cos, at Matamoras, D. C. 
Barrett and Edward Gritten with conciliatory letters. 
They also drew up a kind of resume of the late disturb- 
ances, and called upon all honest citizens to observe the 
laws and constitution. This was somewhat tardily issued 
as a proclamation by the chairman and acting Political 
Chief, Wily Martin, on August 15.°" 

Mexican Blunders. 

But just when events in Texas seemed now in a train for 
peace, the government took the step which antagonized 
every citizen. On July 24, Tenorio, who had received the 
order from Santa Anna through Cos and Ugartechea, ap- 
plied to the Political Chief for the arrest of Lorenzo de 
Zavala, a political refugee who had arrived in Texas during 
the early part of the month. Martin declined to make the 
arrest on the ground that he lacked authority ; but the 

" For the names of all these delegates see Brown, I.. 300. 

" Bancroft, North Mexican States and Texas, II., 162. 

"A Comprehensive History of Texas, I., 168-69. 

"' Edward, 239-45. It is possible that these proceedings were 
published earlier and that Martin re-issued them on August 15 to 
influence the meeting that assembled on that date. 



19 

general attitude was so quiet and peaceful that Dr. J. H. 
C. Miller was deceived into thinking that by a slight show 
of firmness the authorities could gain all that they desired. 
He wrote therefore, on July 25, to John W. Smith of 
Bexar, and requesting him to show the letter to 
Ugartechea, said that if the demand were insisted upon at 
this time, the Texans would surrender not only Zavala, but 
the leaders of the war party, Johnson, Williamson, and 
Travis also ; as well as Samuel Williams who was at this 
time obnoxious to Texans and Mexicans alike as the re- 
puted leader of the great land speculation.^^ Ugartechea 
acted on the suggestion, and, on July 31, dispatched a 
circular to the different Alcaldes of the departments of 
Nacogdoches and Brazos, commanding them to arrest 
these parties and turn them over to Tenorio, who was still 
at San Felipe. The express bearing these orders was met 
by the peace commissioners, Barrett and Gritten, at 
Gonzales on August i, and realizing immediately how the 
demand would be received by the people, they detained 
him until Gritten could hasten on to San Antonio and 
vainly try to persuade Ugartechea to countermand or 
modify his orders. ^^ The worthy Colonel, indeed, had 
little option in the matter ; at least, in so far as it concern- 
ed Zavala and Travis : for His Excellency the President 
had ordered the arrest of the former, and the order was 
re-issued to Ugarteachea by Cos on August 8, with in- 
structions to execute it even "at the risk of losing all his 
cavalry ;"^^ while, on August i, Cos had urged the 
Ayuntamiento of Columbia to secure the "apprehension 
of that ungrateful and bad citizen W. B. Travis," in order 
that he might be taken to Bexar and punished according to 
the law.^* The two conmiissioners delayed in San Antonio 

"A Comprehensive History of Texas, I., 170-71. 
" A Comprehensive History of Texas, I., 171. 
" Newspaper Clipping. — Austin Papers. 

" Cos to Ayuntamiento of Columbia, August i, 1835. — Austin 
Papers- 



20 

for some time, while Gritten could return to San Felipe 
for enlarged powers to treat with Cos. On August 9, they 
forwarded a letter to the general, explaining their delay, 
and expressing the hope that he would receive them favor- 
ably ;°^ but a notice soon arrived from him that he would 
listen to no negotiations from the Texans until they sur- 
rendered to him the men that he desired, and so, under 
these circumstances, Barrett and Gritten did not proceed 
to Matamoras. 

In addition, moreover, to the irritation caused by the 
demand for these arrests. Captain T. M. Thompson, of the 
schooner Correo, who had been sent by Cos to make in- 
vestigations at Anahuac, was acting very imprudently. 
He declared himself commandant of all the ports be- 
tween Matamoras and the Sabine river, and by confining 
his operations chiefly to the shores of Galveston Bay, in- 
terfered extensively in the private affairs of the citizens.^® 
And though, in reply to the San Felipe conference of July 
17th, General Cos might write that the Supreme Govern- 
ment had always made a distinction between the "faithful" 
and the "faithless," it was being gradually forced upon the 
consciousness of the Texans that in practice the annoy- 
ances of Mexico's petty officials fell upon all alike. 

Beginning of Opposition. 

On July 14th, indeed, the citizens of Harrisburg had 
met, and while declaring themselves loyal Mexicans, they 
resolved that the constitution was about to be overthrown 
"by the power of General Santa Anna," and invited all the 
republicans of Mexico to help them gather up the "scat- 
tered fragments of that constitution which had been the 
boast of one of the proudest nations of the earth. "^^ And 

" Barrett and Gritten to Cos, August 9, 1835. — Bexar Archives. 

" Texas Republican, September 19, 1835. 

"Texas Republican, August 22, 1835. One patriotic resolution 
of this meeting was, "That if any citizen leave Texas during her 
struggle, his property shall be confiscated for the public good." 



21 

three days later the people living along the Lavaca and 
Navidad rivers assembled, and after voting a lack of con- 
fidence in the republicanism of Santa Anna, declared that 
they would "oppose any force that might be introduced 
into Texas for any other than constitutional purposes." 
They recommended that the reinforcements expected at 
Bexar be intercepted, and ordered the militia to hold them- 
selves in readiness to march on the shortest notice.''® 

At about this time, too, the war party seem to have 
extended their agitations to the United States : an article 
in a Louisiana paper of July 25th announces positively 
that Santa Anna "is now about to enter Texas with an 
army, to murder, destroy, and drive from that country 
those who were invited there, and who raised from a wil- 
derness that which is now a flourishing, happy, and con- 
tented people." Several "highly respectable citizens of 
Texas" were said to be already in the city, and upon the 
arrival of others, who were "hourly expected," a general 
meeting was to consider "the dreadful state of our friends, 
relations, and once fellow-citizens, and adopt such meas- 
ures for their relief in the present emergency as affection 
may dictate and justice require. "^^ 

To the observer of to-day it is evident that by this time a 
conflict was almost inevitable. The demands for the sur- 
render of Zavala and the leaders of the hostile party, with 
rumors of the steps that would be taken to enforce the 
demands, together with accounts of Thompson's overbear- 
ing behavior at Anahuac, were assiduously circulated by 

^* Brown, I., 297-99. These resolutions seem to indicate a good 
deal of hostility to Mexico, but it is possible that, were the pro- 
ceedings read in full, this would be considerably softened. James 
Kerr, writing to T. J. Chambers, July 5, 1835 (Bexar Archives), 
says: "The inhabitants of La Vaca and Navidad are inclined to 
attend to their ranches and estates, and they say that if the gov- 
ernment wishes to seize those criminals and collect the legal du- 
ties in the custom houses, it may do so." Yoakum dates this 
meeting July 19. 

" Texas Republican, -August 22, 1835. 



22 

the war party ; and exaggerated reports of this activity 
reaching General Cos in turn, increased the uneasiness of 
the authorities. And though it is ahnost certain that even 
yet the majority were opposed to any radical measures,®" 
the preaching of the war party had made them suspicious 
and prepared them to misinterpret anything that Mexico 
might do. Under these circumstances, therefore, it is dif- 
ficult to see how war could have been averted by any save 
an omniscient tactician. 

A Scholarly Appeal for Moderation. 

Nevertheless, the undoubted exigencies of the time now 
brought forth the most scholarly appeal to the reason and 
loyalty of the colonists that appeared throughout this year 
of manifold resolutions. In reading the proceedings of 
too many of the public meetings one is painfully struck by 
the labored efforts of the people to cast their resolutions in 
dignified, formal phraseology; but the resolutions pre- 
pared for the San Jacinto meeting, of August 8th, by 
David G. Burnet, show none of this awkward pursuit of 
form. After reviewing and accepting as true the reports 
that the federal government was subverted, they still ex- 
pressed "a cheering confidence in the distinguished citi- 
zens of our adopted country, * * * * That they will organ- 
ize a system of government in accordance with the spirit 
of the 19th century, * * * * with such a distribution of the 
three cardinal powers as will assure to each individual all 
the guarantees necessary to rational political liberty." 
They declared that they had always considered Mexico 
the rightful sovereign of the territory of Texas, and while 
believing it a duty to guard their rights from all infringe- 
ment, they also felt themselves under "a sacred obligation 
to preserve our names untarnished by the imputation of 
parricidal ingratitude." They considered "names as the 
mere signification of things," and said that they were not 

" Gritten to Ugartechea, July 5, 1835. — Bexar Archives. 



2?> 

"so obstinately prejudiced in favor of the term 'federal 
republic' as * "" * * to reject another g-overnment purely 
because it has assumed a different external sign or de- 
nomination." And they resolved "That although the citi- 
zens may have the political right to reject the new Govern- 
ment of Mexico, * * * * we do very seriously question the 
policy of doing so, unless constrained by imperious cir- 
cumstances, such as, we trust, do not and will not exist.'' 
But recognizing the necessity of united action upon the 
part of the colonists, they recommended the immediate 
calling of a convention at San Felipe.*'^ 

Thi; Call for a Convention. 

This, in fact, was the one thing upon which all Texas 
was now agreed. It is said that by the middle of August 
every municipality had elected a committee of safety and 
correspondence, and that each was pledged to urge the 
calling of a consultation.^^ A meeting of the jurisdiction 
of Columbia had been called on July 30th for the purpose 
of bringing this about, and when it adjourned until August 
i6th without doing anything, general dissatisfaction was 
prevalent at the delay. ''^ 

But when this adjourned meeting reassembled on Satur- 
day, August 15th, instead of Sunday, the sixteenth, as was 
originally intended, the convention was assured. They 
resolved that they would "not give up any individual to 
the military authorities," and appointed a committee of 
fifteen, with B. T. Archer at its head, to prepare an address 
to the different committees of safety, asking them to con- 
cur in the call for a convention. This committee went into 
a session at Velasco on August i8th, and two days later 
issued its address to the people. No direct suggestion of 
independence was offered. On the contrary, they pro- 

" Texas Republican, September 19, 1835. 

°' Brown, I., 304. 

°' Texas Republican, July 25, and August 8, 1835. 



24 

fessed a sincere desire to remain attached to the Mexican 
government, if that were possible upon constitutional 
terms; but at the same time they frankly intimated their 
opinion that there was little hope of such a possibility. In 
any event, they said, the desirability of united action was 
obvious, and since this could be obtained in no other way, 
they proposed that the committees of each municipality 
should order the election on October 5th of five delegates 
to represent them in a consultation to be convened at San 
Felipe on the 15th of the same month. 

This address, issued in the form of a circular, was ac- 
companied by several anonymous letters, giving informa- 
tion, for the truth of which the committee vouched, of the 
arrival of Mexican troops at Goliad and Bexar, and pur- 
porting to reveal Santa Anna's plan of invasion. It was 
said that his first plan had been to introduce the troops 
slowly into Texas "for the Express Purpose of enforcing 
the revenue laws ;" and that five hundred soldiers had ac- 
tually embarked at Tampico in May, when the rebellion 
of Zacatecas broke out and they were recalled. But Zaca- 
tecas being now reduced, Santa Anna had grown impatient 
and had determined to overwhelm Texas with a force of 
ten thousand men and drive every Anglo-American across 
the Sabine.^* 

It has already been seen, however, that information 
such as this, though it doubtless increased the popular 
anxiety, was not necessary to the securing of the conven- 
tion. For a long time nothing had been needed but a 
self-constituted leader, and so, there was now a general 
endorsement of Columbia's proposals ; the only amend- 
ment, in fact, being offered by the Nacogdoches commit- 
tee, that the number of representatives be raised from five 
to seven. "^^ 

"Circular issued by the Committee; Texas Republican, August 
22 and 29, 1835. Also letter, Milam to Johnson, July 5, 1835. — 
Austin Papers. 

" Texas Republican, September 26, 1835. 



25 

Austin Despairs of Peaceful Adjustment. 

Any hope that still existed of a peaceful adjustment be- 
tween Texas and Mexico was knocked flat when the loyal 
Austin, just arrived from his long imprisonment, held out 
to it no encouragement. In a speech delivered at a bar- 
becue in Brazoria, on September 8th, he reviewed the his- 
tory of Texas from the beginning of its Anglo-American 
colonization ; and while repeating to the people Santa 
Anna's protestations of unalterable respect and esteem, he 
plainly intimated that little reliance could be placed in 
them. Santa Anna's plan, he thought, was unquestionably 
the formation of a centralized government, and, as faithful 
Mexican citizens, it was their duty to resist his wanton 
destruction of the republican constitution of 1824. ^'^ 

Four days later a meeting was held at San Felipe, and 
resolutions having been adopted pledging the people of 
that jurisdiction to support the constitution of 1824, a new 
committee of safety was appointed with Stephen F. Austin 
for its chairman.^" Henceforth the San Felipe committee 
seems to have assumed by tacit consent of all the inhabit- 
ants the direction of Texas affairs, and the committee but 
voiced the counsel of Austin. Communication was estab- 
lished with every part of Texas, and information transmit- 
ted almost daily. A circular of September i8th informed 
the people that all hope of conciliation was gone, and that 
war was the only resource ;"'- and this was followed by 
another on the 22d, vouching for the information that 
General Cos had landed at Copano with four hundred 
troops, and urging the inhabitants to arm themselves and 
gather at the Colorado on the 28th.^^ And in order that 
this might not interfere with the election of delegates to 
the consultation, it was advised that the polls be opened 

*" Texas Republican, September 19, 1835. 
"Texas Republican. September 19, 1835. 
*' Texas Republican, September 18, 1835. 
*° Texas Republican, September 26, 1835. 



26 

on September 27th as well as on October 5th, the date 
originally fixed for the election. 

All this was accordingly done, but while the Texans 
were marching to the Colorado the Mexicans had already 
arrived at the Guadalupe, and ordered the citizens of Gon- 
zales to surrender their cannon. The events that followed 
are well known. The cannon was refused ; the Mexicans 
fell back to wait for reinforcements, and on the morning 
of October 2d the Texans crossed the river and surprised 
and put them to flight. Though many of the foremost 
men of Texas still shrank from the suggestion of inde- 
pendence, and declared that they were attempting only to 
uphold the Mexican republican constitution of 1824, the 
revolution had begun. 

And so, the consultation which met on October 15th and 
adjourned till November 3d, had not before it the task of 
uniting the people upon a single line of action — the pur- 
pose for which it was called — but of providing a temporary 
government for a united people, and supplies for an en- 
thusiastic army. 

Note. — Through the courtesy of Mr. Barker, the Association has 
a collection of unprinted documents bearing on this paper that it 
is the aim to publish as soon as possible. 



JjIBRARY OF CONGRESS 

014 543 913 91 



